Sheol, Hades, Gehenna, and Hell

“What I am going to say is not a dogma of faith but my own personal view: I like to think of hell as empty; I hope it is.”  Pope Francis, 14 January 2024.

Few utterances from the papal class have landed with more confusion than Pope Francis’s remark. It is muddled, misleading, and ultimately misconstrued, though with two thousand years of ecclesiastical history, one might find other contenders. To be fair, only two papal statements have ever been deemed infallible: Pius IX’s definition of the Immaculate Conception and Pius XII’s proclamation of the Assumption of Mary. Nearly everything else falls under the category of secular opinion. So secular opinion will have to stand along with my slightly pedantic philosophical flourish on the topic.

The trouble with Francis’s remark is not that it expresses hope in an infinitely merciful God. It does, and God is. Humans are extravagantly hopeful when it comes to their own stake in the hereafter. But the Pope’s phrasing seems to remove the ultimate incentive to live a moral life. If there is no hell, then there are no boundaries to one’s actions. On its surface, the statement reduces moral teaching and punishment for sin to negligible outcomes. Two millennia of urging humans to keep their souls pure dissipate in an instant. It treats hell as if it were a place one might stroll into and find as empty as a modern mall, then decide to shop elsewhere; Amazon, perhaps. It blurs the line between our desire to avoid suffering and the eschatological reality in which immorality and punishment are tied to free will. Judgment remains inevitable, for better or worse, and forever. The qualifier “I hope it is” reduces judgment to a wish for mercy rather than a real consequence of one’s actions. It also suggests that the Pope is worried not only about your soul but his own. A merciful God will save a repentant sinner, but hoping is an insecure measure of remorse.

In short, Francis managed an exceptionally muddled rendering of the Augustinian and Thomistic view that hell is the final state of a person who refuses the good and closes themselves off to God’s love. To be fair, clarity is difficult when the very word “hell” carries millennia of conflicting meanings, teachings, and eschatological traditions.

This confusion is inevitable because the Christian vocabulary of the afterlife is a translucent overlay of older worlds, cultures, and languages. The Hebrew Scriptures speak of Sheol, a shadowy realm of the dead with no inherent moral judgment, not a prison for the wicked, but simply the condition of being dead. In Christian theology, “[Jesus] was crucified, died, and was buried. He descended into hell.” The “hell” in this line refers to Sheol (often rendered as Hades), the realm of the dead into which Christ entered. His descent breaks open the barrier between death and divine life. In Sheol, He liberates the righteous dead and inaugurates the post‑biblical landscape of heaven, purgatory, and the final hell of separation from God’s love. After this event, Sheol becomes vestigial in Christian thought, a name without a continuing function. Christianity judges the soul immediately and resurrects the body later, whereas Judaism gives the soul varied post‑death experiences but reserves final judgment for bodily resurrection.

In the ancient Greek world, Hades begins much like Sheol: a neutral underworld where all the dead reside. Only the exceptional are diverted: heroes to the Elysian Fields, mythic offenders to Tartarus. Plato’s Myth of Er overlays this older realm with Socratic soulfully infused moral vision: judgment, reward, punishment, and reincarnation. Over time, mythic Hades and Platonic moral Hades blend into a single, more complex vision. Early Judaism and early Greek religion both had neutral underworlds, but the Greeks moralized theirs first. Socrates’ preoccupation with the soul made him less a secular philosopher than a theological pioneer or prophet if you will.

Hell does not take on its later punitive shape until the New Testament’s use of Gehenna, a metaphor drawn from a real valley outside Jerusalem associated with corruption and divine judgment. In the Gospels, Gehenna is a warning, not a mapped realm. Jesus uses it as prophetic shorthand for the consequence of a life turned away from the good. A moral and relational judgment rather than the later imagery of fire, demons, or descending circles. Gehenna is not the fully developed hell of medieval imagination but a symbol of what becomes of a life that refuses the shape of love.

Augustine, in the 4th century, further develops hell as a condition rather than a location. Hell is self‑exclusion: the soul turns away from God and locks itself into disordered love. Suffering arises from the consequences of one’s own choice; separation from the source of all goodness. This state is eternal not because God withholds mercy but because the will can become fixed in refusal. Fire is both real and symbolic: suffering is real, though its mode lies beyond language and expression.

Aquinas in the 13th century builds on Augustine by grounding hell in Aristotelian metaphysics. Hell is the definitive state of a rational soul that dies in mortal sin. The soul’s refusal of God is not only moral failure but a failure of rational nature. Aquinas distinguishes poena damni (the pain of loss) and poena sensus (the pain of sense). At death, the soul’s direction becomes fixed; eternal destiny is determined not by divine wrath but by the soul’s own settled choice. At the resurrection, the body joins the soul in its suffering. William Blake captures this Thomistic vision in his illustration of Dante conversing with the heretic Farinata degli Uberti in the fiery tombs of the sixth circle.

Aquinas provided his near‑contemporary Dante with the moral architecture that allowed hell to shift from concept to vividly imagined landscape. In the Inferno, Dante transforms that architecture into a descending spiral of circles, each calibrated to a deeper distortion of the good and a harsher form of alienation. At the frozen center lies the absolute loss of God’s presence and love. Dante’s genius is giving spatial form to moral trajectory. Sin becomes architecture.

Modern Christians often imagine hell through Dante’s nine circles without realizing it. Levels, tailored punishments, structured descent, these are Dante’s inventions, not biblical categories. Yet his poetic vision has become the default mental picture of what it means to lose God’s love. His circles are not doctrine, but they express a truth the tradition affirms: the more a soul rejects the good, the more it collapses inward, freezing into itself; a thermodynamic loss not of heat but of God’s presence. Dante’s afterlife remains a symbolic map of the soul’s self‑chosen distance from God, shaping imagination long after its theology has been forgotten or more likely, ignored.

By the modern era, hell has traveled a long road: from Sheol and Hades, through Gehenna, into Augustine’s self‑chosen alienation, Aquinas’s metaphysical finality, and Dante’s architectural imagination. Each stage sharpens the moral stakes, but none claims to know the final census of the saved and the lost.

It is here that Hans Urs von Balthasar, the 20th‑century Swiss theologian, offers a different starting point: beauty as the mode of God’s self‑revelation. God becomes visible through form, radiance, and splendor; beauty is the shape of truth and goodness. For Balthasar, salvation is participation in God’s dramatic love: the drama in which God and humanity meet in freedom. Christ is the central actor whose obedience, self‑gift, and descent into the depths of human abandonment open the way for every person to enter divine life. Salvation is aesthetic: God is Beauty, Christ is Beauty made visible, and salvation is the soul learning again to see the Beauty that is God.

Balthasar insists that Christ’s descent into Sheol means no place remains where God is not. Hell remains a real possibility, but God’s love hopes for every person, even as human freedom is never overridden. Salvation is the soul being drawn freely, dramatically, and beautifully into the radiant self‑giving love of the Triune God.

Balthasar offers a final, chastened note: Christians may hope that all will be saved, but they may never presume it. Hope is a virtue; presumption a trespass. Hell remains real, possible, and bound to freedom, yet the Christian stance toward final judgment is not certainty but reverent uncertainty. We may hope that no soul ultimately refuses the good, but we may not claim to know the mind of God. This hope is not optimism; it is the trembling aspiration of the penitent, something beyond the insecure measure of remorse that opened this essay.

In the end, tradition leaves us with a paradox: hell is the consequence of free-will, yet hope is the proper response to divine mercy. Between those two poles, freedom and mercy, the human soul stands. And perhaps that is the only place it can stand: not in presumption, not in despair, but in the narrow space where hope remains possible without ever becoming a certainty. Perhaps this is what Pope Francis, in his inelegant phrasing, was reaching for.

By the time afterlife dogma and secular imagination knock on our modern door, “hell” is less a settled place or concept than a linguistic suitcase and atlas stuffed with conflicting contents and branching paths toward judgment. Hope without presumption is allowed; hiding never is.

Graphic: Chart of Hell by Sandro Botticelli, c1480. Vatican City. Public Domain.

End Times

Isaac Newton (1642–1727), remembered as one of the greatest mathematicians and architect of modern physics, devoted more time to theology and biblical study than to science. Among his vast unpublished papers lies a remarkable calculation: Newton believed that the End of Times would not occur before the year 2060. His thesis was not a prediction of hell on Earth, but rather a forecast of the corrupt secular and spiritual powers giving way to the establishment of Christ’s kingdom on earth.

Newton’s notes on prophecy and chronology survive in the Yahuda manuscripts, now housed at the National Library of Israel. For more than a century, these papers were considered “unfit to print” and remained hidden in the English Earl of Portsmouth’s family archives. In 1936, Sotheby’s auctioned off Newton’s theological and alchemical writings for just over 9,000 British pounds or about $1 million in today’s dollars. Abraham Shalom Yahuda, a Jewish polymath and collector, recognized their importance and purchased a large portion, including Newton’s calculations on the End of Times.

Newton was deeply engaged with biblical prophecy, especially the Books of Daniel and Revelation. He believed these texts contained coded timelines of history on into the future. In Observations upon the Prophecies of Daniel (published posthumously in 1733), he wrote: “The prophecies of Daniel are all of them related to one another, as if they were but several parts of one general prophecy… The Apocalypse of John is written in the same style and language with Daniel, and hath many of the same figures.”

In Daniel 7:25 and 12:7, and again in Revelation 12:14, “a time” is taken as one year, “times” as two years, and “half a time” as half a year—an interpretation rooted in the Aramaic/Hebrew idiom in which “time” means “year.” Revelation 11:2 and 13:5 describe the same period as 42 months, which equals 3½ years (42 ÷ 12). Revelation 11:3 and 12:6 express it again as 1,260 days, using the Jewish symbolic 360‑day prophetic year (360 × 3.5 = 1,260). Across Revelation 11–13, these expressions appear interchangeably, reinforcing the equivalence.

The 3½‑year duration itself is symbolic: it is half of seven, the biblical number of completeness, and thus represents a period of incompleteness or tribulation deliberately cut short. Cut short because in Matthew 24:22 Jesus states, “Unless those days had been cut short, no flesh would be saved; but for the sake of the elect those days will be cut short.” A full seven would symbolize evil completing its course, but Scripture portrays God as limiting evil’s duration, preserving a some but not all, and interrupting the “full seven” before it reaches completion.

Later interpreters extended this further. Drawing on Numbers 14:34: “a day for a year”; and Ezekiel 4:6, where God again assigns “a day for a year,” they applied the day‑year principle to the 1,260 days, transforming them into 1,260 years.

Newton then sought a historical anchor, a year to start the clock to End Times. He identified 800 AD, when Charlemagne was crowned Emperor of the Romans by Pope Leo III, as the beginning of ecclesiastical corruption. For Newton, this coronation marked the fusion of secular and papal power: the fulfillment of Daniel’s prophecy of a blasphemous authority ruling over the saints. Adding 1,260 years to 800 AD produced the year 2060. In his notes, Newton wrote: “The period of 1260 days, if dated from the complete conquest of the three kings A.C. 800, will end A.C. 2060.” (Newton preferred A.C., Anno Christi, in the year of Christ over A.D., Anno Domini, in the year of the Lord.)

Newton also considered 2034 as an alternative. Anchoring the calculation in 774 AD; the year of Charlemagne’s conquest of the Lombards and alliance with Pope Adrian I: 774 plus 1260 equals 2034. The year 774 also coincided with a massive solar storm, sometimes referred to as the Charlemagne Event (stronger than the Carrington Event of 1859), with auroras reaching deep into southern latitudes and temperatures dropping a few degrees. Yet 2060 remained the most consistent date in his manuscripts.

Newton believed that the corrupt powers that would bring about the End of Times was both the papacy and the secular rulers who supported the church. In his manuscripts he clearly identified the papacy as the “little horn” and the “man of sin,” a corrupt ecclesiastical power that had usurped apostolic Christianity. At the same time he perceived that secular rulers were equally part of the apostate system destined to collapse. The ten horns of the Beast were the European kingdoms. Their political power upheld the papal system and thus shared in its guilt and its eschatological fate.

Importantly, Newton did not envision annihilation at the End of Times. He saw 2060 as the end of corruption and the dawn of a new divine order. He cautioned it may end later, but said “I see no reason for its ending sooner. This I mention not to assert when the time of the end shall be, but to put a stop to the rash conjectures of fanciful men…”

Newton feared that false predictions would undermine faith. His calculation was meant as sober interpretation, not sensational prophecy. He emphasized that only God knows the appointed time: “It is not for us to know the times and seasons which God hath put into his own breast.”

Newton’s calculation of the End of Times flows logically from the biblical text, and he treats the prophetic numbers with strict literalism. Yet he interprets the tribulation not as a final, catastrophic episode at the end of history, but as a long historical decline. Slow corruption within secular and ecclesiastical institutions. All culminating in the restoration of true Christianity.

Although Newton’s prophetic writings remained unpublished during his lifetime, the rediscovery of the Yahuda manuscripts in the 1930s revealed the full scope of his vision. He saw the End Times not as annihilation but as transformation: the fall of apostate Christianity, the renewal of true religion, and the establishment of Christ’s kingdom of peace.

Newton’s restrained timing aligns with Christ’s teaching in Matthew 24:36: “But of that day and hour no one knoweth, not the angels of heaven, but the Father alone.” In Christian eschatology, the Second Coming is likened to a Canaanite or Jewish wedding: the Father alone knows the day, the Son prepares a place, and the bride: the Church, must remain watchful. Newton’s calculations were an attempt to glimpse the architecture of prophecy, yet he humbly accepted the unknowable will of God.

Graphic: Isaac Newton by Godrey Kneller, 1689. Issac Newton Institute. Public Domain.

Solution in Search of a Problem

…[God] commanded him, saying: Of every tree of paradise thou shalt eat:  But of the tree of knowledge of good and evil, thou shalt not eat. For in what day soever thou shalt eat of it, thou shalt die the death. Genesis 2: 16-17.  …And the woman saw that the tree was good to eat, and fair to the eyes, and delightful to behold: and she took of the fruit thereof, and did eat, and gave to her husband who did eat. Genesis 3: 6.  …And to Adam he said: Because thou hast hearkened to the voice of thy wife, and hast eaten of the tree, whereof I commanded thee that thou shouldst not eat, cursed is the earth in thy work; with labor and toil shalt thou eat thereof all the days of thy life. Genesis 3: 17.

The command. The Original Sin. The yoke of punishment.

Within the Christian narrative, the Garden of Eden; whether read as fact or parable, is not a catastrophe that condemns humanity but a pedagogical interval in which freedom, purpose, and morality first become visible. Eden is the place where God teaches that a being with a soul cannot thrive in effortless abundance; that freedom requires choice; that purpose emerges only through effort–trial and error, consequence, responsibility, and growth. Original Sin is not an accident but the awakening of the human soul, the moment the lesson begins.

Against this backdrop, William Dembski’s (1960-present) The End of Christianity advances a far more far‑reaching claim: that God imposed suffering and death across the entire 4.5‑billion‑year history of Earth in response to Adam’s sin; an event that, even on the most generous timelines, occurred only a few tens of thousands of years ago. The difficulty with this theory is not merely its scale but its direction. Within the Christian understanding of God’s eternal now, Eden is not an isolated moment but a teaching environment whose possibilities: temptation, failure, growth, are already present to the divine mind. Dembski’s proposal, however, requires suffering to be imposed on the epochs that precede the sin itself. Adam has no predecessors whose guilt could be inherited, and the only antecedent in the narrative is God Himself. This reversal of moral sequence renders the thesis difficult to sustain.

His theodicy survives only at the level of abstraction; once the brush narrows to a single creature or a single moment, the logic collapses. A brontosaurus sinking into Jurassic mud is not a moral agent, nor is a trilobite crushed in a Cambrian landslide. To treat their deaths as the retroactive consequence of a human sin that has not yet occurred is to impose moral causality where no moral subject exists. The moment the argument touches the concrete world: an ecosystem, a predator’s hunger, a tectonic shift, it demands that nature behave like a courtroom, assigning guilt and punishment across epochs that cannot bear such categories.

Nor does the appeal to the serpent resolve the difficulty. To identify the serpent as the origin of evil is to mistake a narrative instrument for a metaphysical explanation. The question is not who tempted Adam, but how the possibility of temptation exists at all within a creation held in the eternal knowledge of God. If evil can arise only through the serpent’s intrusion or Adam’s misstep, then the divine eternity becomes strangely porous, as though God were surprised by a contingency He did not foresee. A coherent theodicy must account for the possibility of evil within the very structure of creation; reducing it to a reptile or a human choice leaves the deeper metaphysical question untouched.

Additionally, he treats death itself as a sin and the result of sin, redefining a creaturely condition as a moral indictment and thereby forcing all pre‑human death into the ledger of Adam’s guilt. Once these premises are set, the argument can proceed only by inverting causality, collapsing divine eternity into creaturely time, and assigning retroactive guilt to a world that existed long before humanity appeared.

A further difficulty remains unaddressed. If God is placed within a temporal sequence, as Dembski’s model requires, then any retroactive application of punishment collapses into divine causation. A temporal God cannot reach backward in time without becoming the direct agent of the suffering He imposes. If Adam’s sin occurs after millions of years of natural history, then all pre‑human suffering occurs before the sin; and if that suffering is nevertheless treated as punishment for Adam, the only possible source of it is God Himself. The attempt to preserve a literal reading of Genesis thus forces the blame for natural evil onto the Creator, a conclusion Dembski never acknowledges and cannot escape.

As the argument unfolds, the incoherence deepens. Dembski appeals to Rabbi Harold Kushner, who resolves the problem of suffering by limiting God’s power, and to Tony Campolo, who suggests that God voluntarily cedes power to human freedom; positions incompatible with a thesis that requires God to exercise maximal power across billions of years to impose retroactive suffering on creation. He suggests that God created a perfect world, that the Son of God somehow disrupted that perfection, and that God was then forced to rewrite the story while it was being undone. Such a view divides the Trinity into competing agents and reduces God’s eternal now to a sequence of creaturely reactions. In attempting to preserve a literal reading of Genesis, Dembski abandons the very doctrines of divine eternity, unity, and immutability that Christianity has always affirmed.

His treatment of Chronos and Kairos only compounds the confusion. He proposes that God creates in Kairos and implements in Chronos, as though the eternal act of God could be divided into a timeless planning phase and a temporal execution phase. But Kairos and Chronos are categories of human experience, not metaphysical compartments within the divine life. By splitting God’s creative act into stages, Dembski collapses divine eternity into creaturely sequence, producing a picture of God who drafts outside of time and then steps into time to carry out the plan. It is a scheme that contradicts both classical doctrine and the logic of his own argument.

The result is a proposal that feels less like a coherent theological model and more like a solution in search of a problem; an attempt to preserve a preferred interpretation rather than a conclusion arising naturally from the metaphysics he invokes. His argument depends on a literal, historical Adam whose single act introduces moral disorder into the entire cosmos, yet he never defends this premise or engages the long tradition that treats Adam as archetype rather than biological progenitor. Nor does he address the scientific evidence that humanity emerged from a population rather than a solitary pair. The entire structure stands on an unexamined foundation.

By contrast, a more coherent theological reading sees Eden as a deliberate environment constructed to teach humanity its telos. God did not create paradise for idle comfort but to reveal that abundance without purpose is not paradise; that safety without responsibility is not fulfillment; that comfort without growth is tedium. The expulsion from Eden is not divine vindictiveness but the extension of the curriculum: a life in which effort–trial and error, consequence, and responsibility become the conditions for virtue. Original Sin is not a permanent stain but the beginning of moral adulthood, an inherited condition whose guilt is washed away in baptism. God does not abandon humanity after the Fall; He immediately promises redemption and sets further boundaries to guide the soul toward righteousness.

In this light, Eden is not the site of global catastrophe but the first classroom of the human spirit. Eden and Adam are not the problem but the beginning of the solution. It is the place where freedom is defined, purpose is revealed, and the long winding road of redemption begins.

Graphic: The Expulsion of Adam and Eve from Paradise by Benjamin West, 1791. Public Domain

Freedom to Live—Telos to Thrive

Humans do not live by bread alone. Abundance may fill the stomach, but it doesn’t energize the soul. Somehow a life free of want and fear comes up lacking.

Adam, Eve and the Garden of Eden, the world’s first utopia, looked upon as a psychology experiment, failed. Failed in the sense that any utopia built only on abundance is already hollow. The question, then, is why? They were given food, water, sex beyond their basic needs. Their environment required no clothes. No predators threatened their existence. Labor and death were concepts not pondered. But in the end, it wasn’t enough. Why did it fail?

The answer, which will be explored further below, appears to revolve around the concept of purpose. A world; a utopia, that meets all needs but offers no purpose is not paradise but a gilded “behavioral sink.” A world without vocation, responsibility, sacrifice, striving, or narrative is a hollow reed: it stands, but it is filled with nothing. A world where nothing is required except obedience becomes unbearable stagnation. A world without purpose is not a meaningful, conscious life.

The Greeks called this deeper purpose to enliven the soul, telos. The purpose toward which life is directed. Without telos, abundance becomes a cage, a prison. With telos, even scarcity can be endured with dignity.

John Calhoun, ethologist, set out to study overpopulation but instead discovered something stranger: a behavioral sink: a kind of social and spiritual death. The colony did not collapse from too many mice, but from the breakdown of roles and meaning that eventually produced too few.

In his now famous “Universe 25” mouse utopia experiment, he showed that survival without purpose, at least for mice, collapses into withdrawal and extinction. Modern societies risk the same fate when they pursue utopia: abundance without struggle, surveillance as safety, and communal aid as the elimination of all negatives. The challenge is not simply to live, but to thrive; and thriving requires telos: a purpose.

John Calhoun’s experiment was designed to eliminate scarcity. Within a large enclosure, mice were given unlimited food and water, nesting material, and protection from predators. Eight mice were introduced, 4 male/female pairs, and the population grew rapidly, doubling every fifty-five days until it reached more than two thousand individuals (8 doublings): filling all available space. Yet despite this apparent freedom from want or fear, the colony eventually collapsed, seemingly due to extreme density and the breakdown of social roles. Fertility declined, social roles dissolved, abnormal behaviors proliferated, and reproduction ceased altogether. The colony died out, not because resources were lacking, but because abundance without freedom and meaning likely produced a breakdown. Calhoun coined the term “behavioral sink” to describe this collapse of social roles under conditions of density in a constrained space. The experiment suggested that abundance alone does not guarantee flourishing; without freedom, space, and above all, purpose, societies can unravel even in material plenty.

Subsequently psychologist Jonathan Freedman studied human responses to crowding and found that people did not exhibit the same collapse seen in Calhoun’s mice. Yet it is hard to look at modern societies and conclude that the behavioral sink: the collapse of social norms and the retreat from family formation, is entirely absent.

The Greeks would have recognized the deeper societal problem immediately. For them, the question was not simply how to survive, but how to live and prosper in accordance with telos: the end, the purpose, the fulfillment toward which life is directed. Aristotle described every being as having a natural telos: the acorn’s telos is to become an oak, the flute’s telos is to produce music, and the human telos is to live a life of virtue and flourishing, what he called eudaimonia.

Telos is purpose. For man it implies more than giving meaning to biological life. It suggests a dichotomy of mind versus consciousness: brain versus soul. Freedom from want and fear feeds the mind but provides nothing of sustenance for the soul.

Earlier societies understood this intuitively and built cultural codes to bind abundance to purpose. Chivalry, whether in its medieval form or its later incarnation as the English gentleman’s ethic, was precisely such a telos. It required the strong to protect the weak, but also required the weak to participate in the moral order. It paired mercy with discipline, generosity with boundaries, and honor with responsibility. Chivalry was not sentiment; it was a teleological architecture that kept abundance from becoming decadence.

The mice in Calhoun’s enclosure had food, water, and shelter, but no telos. Once density eroded their social roles, a slow downward spiral ensued. Humans in modern societies face the same paradox: welfare systems, surveillance, and engineered abundance can provide material plenty, but if they strip away telos: purpose, meaning, struggle, and virtue; all outcomes drift toward dystopia.

But if the soul is only in the domain of man, why did the mice without purpose also die? Mice perceive. They have instinct and social drives. They have memory and respond to stress. But they do not have a moral imagination or the capacity to choose meaning. A mouse in the experiment could not rebel against its environment by inventing a new one. The mice died because they reached the limits of space and mind. Social instincts, stress circuits, and behavioral roles all exploded and collapsed. They died because they were in a closed world and their minds could not adapt. They were trapped.

Eden failed not because humans are like mice. Man’s mind can adapt to a life of plenty, but the soul cannot adapt to tedium. Eden failed because man was built to struggle. Perfect conditions, total comfort, safety, and abundance lead to decline, not nirvana.

Eden and Universe 25 fail for different reasons. The mice died because they could not leave. Man was expelled from Eden because he reached for a transcendence and was not permitted. Humans were not allowed to question, seek, reach, or transcend their existence. Paradise needs struggle.

So why did an omniscient God create Eden? Probably because it was never meant to be a final state but a contrast state. A teaching moment. A world without fear, scarcity, or struggle in which the human soul could discover that comfort alone is not enough. In a paradise where every need was met, the only meaningful act was the one that revealed the nature of consciousness itself: the choice to reach beyond the enclosure. The serpent did not tempt Adam and Eve with pleasure but with becoming: “you will be like gods,” awakening a longing for agency, knowledge, and purpose that abundance could not satisfy. Their disobedience was not a failure of design but the moment in which the soul recognized that a static world cannot contain a teleological being. Eden exists in the story not as a utopia that failed, but as the stage on which freedom becomes visible and the human need for telos is revealed.This pattern is not confined to myth or laboratory. When purpose collapses, societies follow the same arc as Eden and Universe 25: abundance without telos gives way to stagnation, stagnation to withdrawal, and withdrawal to demographic decline. A people who cannot articulate why life is worth living will eventually cease to create life at all. The first sign of a civilization losing its telos is not revolution or war, but falling birthrates. The quiet demographic signature of a culture that no longer believes in its own future.

Across Europe, the United Kingdom, and increasingly the United States, fertility rates have fallen well below replacement. In Germany, Italy, and Spain, fertility hovers around 1.2 to 1.3 children per woman (2.1 is replacement level). In the UK it is around 1.5; in the U.S., about 1.6. This decline is not simply biological; it is sociological. Fertility is shaped by density, cost of living, cultural norms, and moral frameworks. Where communal support is strong: rural areas, religious communities, fertility often remains closer to or above replacement. In urban centers, where density and what might be called collective individualism dominate, fertility collapses. Declining birthrates are thus a symptom of lost telos. Families are not formed because the conditions for raising children feel untenable, and because the cultural narrative of purpose has weakened.

Chivalry once provided that narrative. It linked male strength to generational duty, female dignity to communal honor, and children to the continuity of the moral order. It gave family formation a story, not merely a biological function. When chivalry collapses, fertility collapses, not because people cannot reproduce, but because they no longer know why they should.

The paradox is sharpened when abortion policies are considered. In most of Europe and the UK, abortion is legal within the first trimester, framed as healthcare and autonomy. In the U.S., abortion remains contested but widely available in many states. Here lies the disconnect: abortion is framed as expanding individual autonomy: the freedom from unwanted obligation, while fertility decline reflects the collapse of collective freedom, the freedom to flourish and raise children. Societies expand freedom at the individual level while eroding it at the collective level. Autonomy is preserved, but telos is undermined.

To buttress declining populations, European countries and the UK have encouraged immigration. Migrants often come from regions with higher fertility rates, offsetting demographic decline and supporting aging workforces. Immigration is thus a pragmatic solution to population collapse: but it does not address the root causes: density, freedom, and telos. It is a patchwork repair, adding new blocks to a crumbling wall without restoring the foundation. The deeper paradox remains: abundance without purpose produces collapse, and immigration cannot substitute for the conditions that allow families to thrive, especially if society’s new members are supported without shared cost, shared culture, or shared telos.

Density alone does not dictate outcomes; it interacts with telos, governance, and cultural frames. Lagos, Nigeria, is one of the most densely populated and chaotic cities in the world, often described as bordering on ungovernable. Infrastructure is weak, governance is fragmented, and daily life is improvisational. Yet fertility remains high. The reason is that telos: family, lineage, and communal identity, remains intact. In Lagos, children are wealth, kinship and clan networks are survival, and religion provides meaning. Even in smothering density, purpose sustains resilience. The city may be chaotic, but it is alive.

By contrast, the homeless encampments of Los Angeles resemble Lagos in their improvisational density and lack of formal governance. Tents, makeshift shelters, and informal economies proliferate. Yet here fertility does not thrive. Rampant mental illness and drug use erode telos. The cornerstone of family, community, and purpose has collapsed. What remains is density without meaning, abundance without direction. Food programs, shelters, and aid exist, but they do not restore purpose. The result is stagnation and despair rather than resilience. Los Angeles encampments show that chaos without telos collapses into dysfunction.

Bangkok, Thailand, illustrates the opposite extreme. Governance is strong, infrastructure is orderly, and surveillance is extensive. Yet fertility has collapsed to ultra-low levels. Here, telos has been eroded not by chaos but by over-governance and modernization. Families shrink, marriage is delayed, and children are no longer seen as wealth or purpose. Bangkok epitomizes the behavioral sink in human form: density magnified by order but hollowed of telos.

These contrasts reveal the missing quadrant: a society that pairs order with telos. This was the promise of chivalry. Lagos has telos without order; Bangkok has order without telos; Los Angeles has neither. Chivalry represents the fourth possibility: order with purpose, structure with meaning, boundaries with dignity.

Together these cases sharpen the living paradox. Lagos thrives in chaos because telos survives. Los Angeles collapses in chaos because telos has dissolved. Bangkok collapses in order because telos has been eroded by governance. The lesson is clear: density is the stressor, but telos is the barrier to collapse. Where telos is strong, fertility can endure even in smothering conditions. Where telos is weak, density accelerates collapse. A utopia pursued through governance can become more dystopian than chaos if it erodes purpose. Man needs a purpose. Without it, abundance becomes nothing more than a cage: a prison with flowered curtains; with it, even hardship can be transformed into amber waves of plenty.

Urban America provides its own cautionary tale. Under Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society, HUD launched massive urban renewal programs meant to eliminate “slums.” Entire neighborhoods once vibrant with shops, churches, and homes were razed. In their place rose brutalist public housing towers like Pruitt-Igoe in St. Louis and Cabrini-Green in Chicago. Instead of dispersing poverty, these projects concentrated it vertically, creating ghettos in the sky. The architectural order stripped away human scale, while the destruction of community fabric erased telos. Where once there were family networks, small businesses, and congregations, there was now isolation, surveillance, and stigma. The result was alienation, crime, and eventual demolition. HUD’s well‑intentioned utopia became a dystopia, echoing Calhoun’s mice: abundance of shelter without freedom or telos collapses into dysfunction.

Chivalry offers a counterpoint here as well. It was a social contract, not a bureaucratic one. It preserved dignity by pairing generosity with expectation, aid with responsibility, and protection with participation. Modern welfare systems sever the relationship and keep only the transfer. The result is dependency instead of resilience, abundance without telos.

Surveillance adds another layer to the modern enclosure. In Calhoun’s experiment, the enclosure walls were the hidden constraint. For humans, surveillance plays a similar role. In China, the social credit system tracks citizens through cameras, financial records, and online behavior, with scores affecting access to jobs, travel, and services. In Europe and the U.S., facial recognition, biometric ID, and behavioral profiling are increasingly common. Awareness of being watched erodes anonymity, adds stress, and modifies behavior. Surveillance is the human equivalent of the enclosure walls. It defines the boundaries of freedom, even in abundance.

The paradox is that surveillance is justified as safety, efficiency, or order, yet in practice it adds to the stress of density, accelerating the very breakdown it claims to manage. It is the human version of the behavioral sink: not scarcity, but suffocating constraint. And more deeply, surveillance erodes telos by reducing individuals to data points, stripping away the individual dignity of purpose.

Chivalry again stands as the opposite principle: internal discipline instead of external enforcement. A chivalric society requires fewer walls, fewer cameras, fewer bureaucratic constraints, because the code itself governs behavior. Surveillance grows where virtue shrinks.

The pursuit of utopia often plants the seeds of dystopia. Calhoun’s mice dramatize this paradox, and human societies repeat it in subtler ways. Utopia promises abundance and safety, but struggle, risk, and constraint are what give life meaning and resilience. Remove them, and individuals may feel aimless. The enclosure gave plenty, but the will to live wilted. The mice could not leave, explore, or repurpose their world.

For humans, welfare states or surveillance societies may provide abundance but limit autonomy. The invisible walls matter more than the food. Collective solutions often replace organic bonds with bureaucratic systems. Parenting, community, and moral frameworks weaken when the state or collective “fixes” everything. Individuals withdraw because the frame of telos collapses. Even in abundance, awareness of being watched adds psychological weight. For mice, the enclosure was the hidden constraint. For humans, cameras and social scoring systems are the modern equivalent.

The collective aims at population-level stability, but the individual seeks personal meaning, agency, and dignity. When collective solutions optimize for averages, individuals at the margins feel alienated. The bell curve of individuality is reduced to a spike. The revolt or collapse is not irrational; it is a signal that something is not working as intended. It shows that utopia defined by the collective may not align with the individual’s need for telos. The collective optimizes for stability, the individual thrives on agency, risk, and purpose. When those needs evaporate, revolt or withdrawal emerges.

Examples abound in modern policy. Guaranteed income experiments often show that recipients reduce work hours modestly. The reduction is not usually total withdrawal; it is often fewer hours, more time for caregiving, education, or leisure. But the symbolic effect matters: when income is guaranteed, the incentive to work as necessity weakens. The “beautiful ones” of Calhoun’s mice resonate here: abundance without struggle risks withdrawal.

Food stamps provide nutrition support to low-income households, but fraud and misuse exist, and some recipients may not be in dire need but qualify through loopholes or marginal thresholds. The program can attract dependency, with households remaining on benefits long-term rather than transitioning out. Help for the needy becomes normalized as entitlement, and the boundary between “in need” and “not in need” blurs, creating resentment and undermining trust in communal solutions.

The paradox is structural: help for the individual expands freedom‑from immediate crisis, but attracts broader participation, dilutes targeting, and sometimes erodes freedom‑to flourish. Programs designed as umbrellas risk becoming enclosed boxes; constraints that reshape behavior in unintended ways. And most importantly, they risk eroding telos by reducing life to consumption and dependency rather than purpose and flourishing.

Chivalry resolves this paradox by insisting that mercy must be paired with measure. The English gentleman was gallant toward women and the lower classes, but “hard as nails” when duty required it. This duality; compassion with boundaries, is precisely what modern systems lack. They know how to help, but not how to say no. Chivalry understood that saying no is sometimes the highest form of care, because it preserves dignity and agency. All good parents know this instinctively.

The lesson is not that communal aid is bad, but that design matters. If aid is too broad, it attracts those beyond need. If aid is too narrow, it misses the vulnerable. If aid removes all struggle, it risks eroding resilience. If aid balances support with responsibility, it can rebuild freedom‑to‑flourish. The paradox is that governments often attempt to engineer away all negatives, but the outcomes drift toward fragility rather than resilience. The mice in Universe 25 were given abundance: no hunger, no predators, no scarcity. Yet the absence of struggle did not produce flourishing; it produced an unremitting, total collapse.

Humans in modern welfare states face a similar paradox. Governments try to eliminate negatives: poverty, hunger, homelessness, drug use, through programs and interventions. Yet the outcomes are mixed: dependency, loss of initiative, bureaucratic surveillance, and sometimes deeper alienation. Erase all struggle, and resilience erodes. Limited means is not the enemy; it is the forge of adaptive capacity. Without struggle and purpose, societies grow brittle and collapse. Challenges often provide purpose. When all negatives are removed, individuals may feel rudderless and adrift.

To eliminate negatives, governments also expand monitoring: drug tests, social scores, biometric IDs. This adds stress, reproducing the under‑the‑microscope effect. Policies aimed at fixing one problem can create others. Housing programs may provide shelter, yet leave mental health and community breakdown untouched, creating dependency instead of resilience. Surveillance systems are justified as safety but erode privacy and increase stress in dense populations. The balance is razor‑thin. Too much intervention suffocates autonomy; too little starves collective flourishing. The missing element is telos. Without purpose, abundance becomes dystopia.

The pursuit of utopia, removing all negatives, often produces dystopian outcomes because it confuses abundance with flourishing. Flourishing requires freedom, struggle, and telos. Utopia removes struggle, but in doing so, removes meaning. The result is collapse: the behavioral sink in mice, fertility decline and alienation in humans. The challenge is to design programs that support resilience and meaning, rather than erasing all negatives.

A moral cycle often attributed to G. Michael Hopf: “Hard times create strong men. Strong men create good times. Good times create weak men. Weak men create hard times,” encapsulates the utopia-to-dystopia paradox. Hopf’s cycle is not merely historical; it is teleological. Societies rise or fall according to the strength of their purpose.

Population decline is not linear, nor is it destiny. It is cyclical, shaped by density, freedom, and telos. When societies become too dense, when surveillance erodes autonomy, when communal bureaucracy substitutes for organic bonds, fertility and flourishing decline. Yet when density eases, when freedom is restored, when telos is rediscovered, populations rebound. History shows this rhythm: humanity has survived bottlenecks, plagues, wars, and famines, and each time rebounded when purpose was renewed.

The Greeks understood that man needs a telos, an end toward which life is directed. Without telos, abundance becomes a monkey cage; with telos, even scarcity can be endured with dignity. Calhoun’s mice remind us that survival is not about food and shelter alone. It is about freedom, meaning, and purpose.

Modern societies risk repeating the experiment when they pursue utopia as abundance or the absence of need without struggle, surveillance as safety, and communal aid as the elimination of all negatives. The paradox is that such utopian attempts often promote dystopian outcomes. The challenge is not to remove every negative, but to build an airy house on a foundation of resilience, dignity, and telos. Only then can abundance become flourishing, and only then can societies escape the behavioral sink.

Chivalry offers a final lesson: flourishing requires mercy, measure, and mettle. Mercy to lift the vulnerable. Measure to set boundaries that preserve dignity. Mettle to uphold the moral order even when it is difficult. Chivalry is not medieval nostalgia; it is a teleological architecture that binds abundance to virtue. Without such a code, abundance becomes a cage. With it, even hardship becomes a forge.

Chivalry once served as the mediating code between secular authority and sacred telos, binding worldly power to transcendent purpose. It stood in the space where kings governed and churches taught, ensuring that strength was disciplined by virtue and that mercy was bounded by responsibility. But in the modern age, this mediating role has eroded. Secular governments have expanded into moral territory, while many churches, entangled in state funding, NGO partnerships, and bureaucratic incentives, have softened their prophetic edge, echoing the language of administration rather than the guidance of the soul. When the sacred becomes an extension of the state, it can no longer offer counter‑telos; it becomes a chaplaincy to the administrative order. Money talks, and institutions drift toward the priorities of their patrons. The result is a vacuum where chivalry once stood: no moral architecture to restrain abundance, no internal compass to replace external surveillance, no code to bind freedom to responsibility.

Striving toward a vision of utopia is a failure to see that purpose, not perfection, sustains a society.

(Post‑script: Calhoun’s mice peaked at roughly 15–18 months and collapsed by about 48 months: an approximate 1/3 to 2/3 split between peak population and extinction. Universe 25 was the 25th iteration of his utopia experiments; earlier versions ended prematurely, but the behavioral patterns he observed: social breakdown under abundance and density, were consistent across his work. Scaled to humans: U.S. population is projected to crest around 2040–2080, suggesting the attempt at utopia began around Johnson’s Great Society, followed by a ~200‑year decline toward collapse (2240–2280). Strikingly, this peak falls within Isaac Newton’s own apocalyptic horizon, which he argued could not arrive before 2060. Abundance, demography, and prophecy all converge to remind us that abundance without telos has a half‑life, or at least a shelf‑life. Strangely, that also suggests that the timing of the apocalypse is of our own making: as a society the time to die is our choice.)

My Name is Legion

Beelzebub has been wandering through western civilization since the Philistines appeared on the scene in the 12th century BC. The polytheistic Philistines of Ekron, one of their five cities within Canaan, worshiped Beelzebub, Baal-Zebub in the Philistine language, as a minor god of healing and protection from diseases, mainly from flies. In the semitic languages Beelzebub was literally known as the “Lord of the Flies”. (In Indo-European languages some interpretations suggest that Beelzebub is translated into a more friendly Lord of the Jungle.)

As monotheistic traditions took root in Canaan, Beelzebub shifted from a protective deity to a purveyor of evil, demonized within emerging Jewish thought. By the 9th century BC, the prophet Elijah condemned the Israel King Ahab and the prophets of Baal for worshiping this god rather than the true God of the Jews. By the time of the New Testament, which mentioned him 7 times in Matthew, Mark, and Luke, he was associated with Satan, who represented the emperor of Hell.

In Matthew and Mark, the Pharisees accused Jesus of casting out demons by the power of Beelzebub or the “Prince of the Demons”. Jesus counters by exclaiming that “Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation, and every city or house divided against itself will not stand.” Jesus’ response backed the Pharisees into a corner, if they admitted that Jesus was casting out demons by God’s power, then they would have to acknowledge his divine authority. But if they insisted, he was working with Satan, they would have to explain why Satan would undermine his own influence: a house divided will not stand. (Lincoln in an 1858 speech used the same words with a moral rather than religious meaning, granted that is a very fine line, “A house divided against itself cannot stand,” suggesting that the evils of slavery would lead to collapse of the country.)

Between the 15th and 17th centuries Beelzebub was transformed into one of the seven princes of Hell: Lucifer the Emperor, Satan, Leviathan, Belphegor, Mammon, Asmodeus, and Beelzebub. Beelzebub represented the deadly sins of gluttony and envy.

In modern times Beelzebub remains a symbol of evil in literature and culture. John Milton’s Paradise Lost cast him as a chief demon and William Golding’s Lord of the Flies takes a more ancient meaning associated with corruption and destruction.

From an ancient minor Philistine god to Satan during the times of Jesus, to a major Christian demon in medieval times, back to Satan himself in modern times; Beelzebub’s transformation reflects the shifting religious and cultural landscapes over millennia, but demons will always have a name. In Mark 5:9, Jesus asks a possessed man, “What is your name?” The demon responds, “My name is Legion, for we are many.”

Graphic: Satan and Beelzebub by William Hayley, Jean Pierre Simon, Richard Westall: Paradise Lost. Public Domain.

The Antiquities of the Jews

Josephus’s 20 volume history of the Jews titled: The Antiquities of the Jews was written to provide an account of the Jewish people for his Roman patrons and protectors.

Below is a synopsis of the 20 volumes:

  • Biblical creation to the death of Abraham’s son Isaac
  • History of Isaac’s sons to the Exodus of Jews from Biblical Egypt
  • Exodus from Egypt to the first 2 years of the 40 years in the wilderness
  • The remaining 38 years in the wilderness to the death of Moses upon reaching Canaan
  • Joshua’s replacement of Moses as leader to the death of the priest Eli
  • The capture of the Ark by the Philistines to the death of King Saul
  • David’s ascension to the throne of the Kingdom of Israel to the death of King David
  • Solomon’s ascension as King of Israel to the death of King Ahab
  • Reign of King Jehoshaphat to the fall of Samaria
  • Babylonian captivity of the Jews and the destruction of the Neo-Assyrian Empire
  • Start of the Persian Empire of Cyrus the Great to the death of Alexander the Great
  • Death of Alexander the Great to the Maccabean Revolt
  • Origins of the Hasmonean dynasty to the death of Queen Alexandra
  • The death of Queen Alexandra to the death of Antigonus II Mattathias
  • Herod the Great’s taking of Jerusalem to the completion of King Herod’s temple
  • Completion of King Herod’s temple to the death of Herod’s sons
  • Death of Herod’s sons to the banishment of King Archelaus

Josephus history covers major portions of the Old Testament including Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Samuel 1&2, 1&2 Kings, 1&2 Chronicles, and Prophets. Josephus’s accounts provide for additional material and commentary not found in other texts including the bible.

Source: Josephus: The Complete Works, 2003. Jewish Virtual Library. World History Encyclopedia. Graphic Joseph, Son of Gorian, by Thomas Emmet, 1880, public domain.

Apologetics

Eusebius: The Church History

By Eusebius (of Caesarea)

Translated by Paul L. Maier

Kregel Academic

Copyright: © 2007

Original Publication Dates: 313-326 AD

Original Title: Eusebius: Ecclesiastical History

AmazonPicture

Maier Biography:

Paul L. Maier, born 1930 in St. Louis, author, public speaker, and historian has written twenty-three adult and children, fiction and non-fiction, books about Christianity. He is the son of Walter A. Maier, founder, and speaker of The Lutheran Hour.

He graduated from Harvard and Concordia Seminary in St. Louis with additional studies in Heidelberg, Germany and Basel, Switzerland. He was the Seibert Professor of Ancient History at Western Michigan University until he retired in 2011.

In addition to his definitive translation of “Eusebius: The Church History“, his 1993 “Skeleton in God’s Closet” was a number one best seller in religious fiction, a thriller concerning the Resurrection of Jesus. He also co-wrote with Hank Hanegraaff in 2006 a rebuttal to Dan Brown’s “The Da Vinci Code“: “The Da Vinci Code: Fact or Fiction?

In addition to writing books Maier has produced six religious documentaries including the 2014 “The Week That Changed the World“, detailing the Holy Week before Jesus’s resurrection, discussing the key personalities, the politics, and the treachery that sealed Christ’s fate.

Maier Bibliography-Books and Documentaries:

  • A Man Spoke, A World Listened: The Story of Walter A. Maier 1963
  • Pontius Pilate 1968
  • First Christmas: The True and Unfamiliar Story in Words and Pictures 1971
  • First Easter: The True and Unfamiliar Story in Words and Pictures 1973
  • First Christians: Pentecost and the Spread of Christianity 1976
  • Flames of Rome 1981
  • The Best of Walter A. Maier 1981 (paperback)
  • Josephus, The Essential Writings 1988
  • In Fullness of Time 1991
  • A Skeleton in God’s Closet 1994
  • The Very First Christmas 1998
  • The New Complete Works of Josephus with William Whiston 1999
  • Eusebius: The Church History 1999
  • The Very First Easter 2000
  • More Than a Skeleton 2003
  • Caspar Schwenckfeld on the Person and Work of Christ: A Study of Schwenckfeldian Theology at Its Core 2004 (paperback)
  • Martin Luther a Man Who Changed the World 2004
  • The Da Vinci Code: Fact or Fiction? with Hank Hanegraaf 2006
  • The Real Story of Creation 2007
  • The Real Story of the Flood 2008
  • A Skeleton in Rome 2011
  • The Constantine Codex 2011
  • The Genuine Jesus 2021
  • Christianity: The First Three Centuries (Documentary) 2003
  • The Odyssey of St. Paul (Documentary) 2003
  • Jesus: Legend or Lord? (Documentary) 2003
  • How We Got the Bible (Documentary) 2009
  • Christianity and the Competition (Documentary) 2010
  • The Week that Changed the World (Documentary) 2011

Eusebius Biography:

FootnoteA

“May I be an enemy to no one and the friend of what abides eternally. May I never quarrel with those nearest me and be reconciled quickly if I should. May I never plot evil against others, and if anyone plots evil against me, may I escape unharmed and without the need to hurt anyone else.” — Eusebius

Eusebius of Caesarea, also known as Eusebius Pamphili, was a historian, interpreter of scripture, and Christian apologist, born around 260-265 AD in Caesarea, where he gained prominence in the fourth century, before passing away around 339 AD. His early education was by the learned presbyter, and eventual saint, Pamphilus, the principle religious scholar of his generation.  Eusebius became bishop of Caesarea around 314 AD, shortly after Constantine became Roman Emperor, and remained in that position until his death in 339 AD. Eusebius became a significant figure in the theological controversies and politics of his day, becoming a, if not the leading spiritual advisor and confidant to Constantine.

Christians since the time of Christ were persecuted for their faith which came to a ghoulish crescendo under the Diocletian Edicts, also known as “The Edicts Against the Christians” of 303 AD. The edicts dissolved the Christians’ legal rights, compelled them to reject Jesus and to adhere to the local religious customs of paganism and polytheism. The edict saw the destruction of Christian scripture and churches along with the torture and execution of approximately 3500 church leaders and lay people including Eusebius’ teacher Pamphilus. The persecution ended with the Edict of Milian in 313 AD, decreed and signed by Constantine and Licinius proclaiming religious toleration within the empire.

FootnoteB

The edict gained the life-long gratitude of Eusebius culminating in the Christian bishop’s panegyric, “Life of Constantine“, in which the author details the emperor’s religious policies as well as a hagiographic account of Constantine’s life. Historians have described their relationship as complex, evolving over time. They have also stated that Eusebius may have been the power behind the throne or, as others have surmised, just an obsequious toady seeking protection from his church enemies. Regardless of the actual relationship it is agreed that Eusebius was Constantine’s spiritual and political advisor.

FootnoteC

Eusebius, through his bond with the emperor, helped structure the relationship between church and state, assisting in the creation of the Constantinian concept of a Christian empire, which had a considerable influence on the development of the early Christian Church and the Roman Empire, along with empires to come.

Constantine, to put down an early rebellion of church leaders, ordered three hundred bishops throughout the empire to meet at the First Council of Nicaea in 325 AD to resolve the controversy of Arianism, a concept that Christ was not divine but was created by God. Much of the Church believed that Christ was of the same substance, “consubstantiality“, as the Father and as such: divine. Eusebius, enjoying the emperor’s favor, sat next to him at the council and offered his own creed stating that Christ was begotten, not made, from the Father. The council, in the end, rejected Arianism and formulated the creed that is recited at every High Catholic Mass to this day. The council also set the time for Easter as the Sunday after the first full moon following the Spring equinox rather than occurring on the Sunday closest to Jewish Passover or on the Jewish Passover even it was not on a Sunday. Which explains why no one knowns when Easter occurs. Constantine was adamant about foregoing any Jewish practices in the honor of Jesus.

Eusebius is referred to as the “Father of Church History” due to his voluminous writings in the field including, as discussed below, his account of the first centuries of Christianity in his “Ecclesiastical History” or “Church History“. 

Church History (Ecclesiastical History):

FootnoteD

Church History ” or “Ecclesiastical History” is the only exigent work that chronicles the development of early Christianity and its Church from the birth of Christ on into the fourth century. Eusebius’s account, written in Koiné Greek, lingua franca for the Mediterranean area from fourth century BC to fourth century AD, provides a chronological narrative, using the succession of Roman Emperors as a linear timeline, of the early Christian Church. Eusebius, with his access to the Theological Library of Caesarea, incorporated many church documents, acts of the martyrs, letters, and extracts from earlier Christian writings into his work, many which no longer exists. The “Church History” covers the succession of Church bishops, the history of Christian teachers especially Origen, the history of the many church heresies and conflicts, and Christianity’s relationships with Romans, pagans, and Jews. Despite accusations that “Church History” is more a defense of Christianity, an apologetic and hagiography, than a history, Eusebius’s work remains a valuable source for understanding early Christian history.

Below are the Maier’s chapter listings, brief descriptions, and Roman Emperors during the historical period covered.

  • Book I: The Person and Work of Christ: Eusebius on Christ. Augustus to Tiberius.
  • Book II: The Apostles: Eusebius on the Apostles. Tiberius to Nero.
  • Book III: Missions and Persecutions: Formation of the New Testament. Galba to Trajan.
  • Book IV: Bishops, Writings, and Martyrdoms: Defenders and Defamers of the Faith. Trajan to Marcus Aurelius.
  • Book V: Western Heros, Eastern Heretics: Death at Lyons, Rome, and Alexandria. Marcus Aurelius to Septimius Severus.
  • Book VI: Origen and Atrocities at Alexandria: Life of Origen. Septimius Severus to Decius.
  • Book VII: Dionysius and Dissent: Church Life According to Dionysius. Gallus to Diocletian.
  • Book VIII: The Great Persecution: Edicts Against Christians. Diocletian to Galerius.
  • Book IX: The Great Deliverance: The End of Persecution? Maximin, Maxentius, and Constantine.
  • Book X: Constantine and Peace: Eusebius and Constantine. Constantine.

Literary Criticism:

In C.F. Cruse’s 1850 translation of “Ecclesiastical History” he states that, “…Eusebius was not without his beauties, but they were rarely scattered, that we can hardly allow him an eminent rank as a writer.” This is an understatement of the 19th century although it is a polite way to admit Eusebius was incapable of engaging his readers in any form other than pedantic verbosity. This is also an example that Cruse was not immune from obfuscating meaning in his written translations and commentary. His comment above simply stated that Eusebius rarely wrote with elegance and concision. Eusebius’ writing was dense, confusing, dogmatic, and sometimes incomprehensible. Eusebius’ writing compares favorably, snark intended, with Edward Gibbons’ “The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire” whose erudite, verbose, and opaque style has managed to confuse his readers for two plus centuries now, but for some reason no one seems to mind, except me. Gibbons disliked, immensely, Eusebius’ “Ecclesiastical History” stating that it was full of lies and falsehoods which is an exceedingly difficult position to support due to Eusebius’ excessive use, usually in quotes, of original source material. Gibbons blamed the fall of the Roman Empire on the rise of Christianity, a problematic thesis considering Christianity was the least of the Empires worries. Unchecked immigration and a corrupt governing class were much bigger problems than a few Christians asking to be left alone to worship their God in peace.

Paul L. Maier’s translation of “Church History” is a masterful improvement over C.F. Cruse’s 1850 attempt to make Eusebius readable. Cruse strove to accurately translate Eusebius with the result of burdening his readers with difficult and cluttered phrasing. Maier saves his readers by reducing Eusebius’s lengthy sentences, dense language, and abrupt subject changes to intelligible bites of prose that are readable, understandable, and usable. An example of Maier taking difficult sentences and distilling them into something cogent can be seen in the two example sentences below. The first sentence comes from Loeb’s edition of “Ecclesiastical History“, which is a very faithful rendition of Eusebius’ writing, followed by Maier’s translated version. Loeb: “I have already summarized the material in the chronological tables which I have drawn up, but nevertheless in the present work I have undertaken to give the narrative in full detail.” Maier: “Previously I summarized this material in my Chronicle but in the present work I deal with it in the fullest detail.” The first sentence takes a few readings to comprehend the meaning. Maier allows for instant comprehension.

Ecclesiastical History” or “Church History” is an important work in understanding the beginnings of Christianity and the governing hierarchy that was built up over the centuries. This is not a long book, less than four hundred pages, but it does take dedication to the task of reading and understanding it. In the end it is worth the effort as a little history is always useful if not enlightening.

References and Readings:

FootnoteA: Eusebius preceding his Eusebian Canons in the Garima Gospels. Michael Gervers. 2004. Public Domain

FootnoteB: The Christian Martyrs’ Last Prayer. Jean-Leon Gerome. Walters Art Museum. 1863-1883. Public Domain

FootnoteC: Eusebius of Caesarea. Unknown Source and Date. Public Domain

FootnoteD: Constantine the Great. Unknown Source and Date. Public Domain

Out of Eden

The Ancient Mediterranean World: From the Stone Age to A.D. 600B Mediterranean 2004

Written by:  Robin W. Winks and Susan P. Mattern-Parkes

Published by: Oxford University Press

Copyright:  © 2004

Homo erectus, an upright fellow, showed up during the Pleistocene about 2 million years ago and quickly dispersed throughout Asia and Africa even though his starting point is ambiguous. After mucking about the tropics, the lack of clothes makes it difficult to take skiing vacations in the Alps, decided to take on a bigger brain and chin with less eye brow protuberance, and developed into our mum: Homo sapiens, a couple of hundred thousand years ago.  Some say we came from east Africa, others say east Asia but regardless of our origins we showed up in what is now Israel around 100,000 years ago and our quest for ever larger cell phone screens and civilized table manners had begun.

Agriculture, originating about the 12th century B.C., traces its roots back to the fertile crescent; beginning at the Jordan River progressing north and northeast to the headwaters of the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers and then back down south to the rivers’ marshlands, eventually pouring into the Persian Gulf.  By 9500 B.C. man was cultivating wheat, flax, rye, peas, and other crops that brokered the way for cities, government, laws, and taxes; otherwise known as civilization.

The earliest civilizations are conveniently timed to the discovery of bronze around 2500 B.C.  Bronze tools and weapons, an amalgam of copper and tin, galvanized the rise of city-states and empires until the tin ran out in 1200 B.C., then the Dark Ages set in. Virtually every major city in the eastern Mediterranean was sacked and burned during the first 50 years of the advent of these interesting times, many to disappear from the map forever. The technology to smelt carbon steel brought a renewal of civilization during the Iron Age and the cementing of the Assyrian Empire–for awhile.

By the end of the Iron Age the bright lights of civilization have shifted from Mesopotamia to the northern shores of the Mediterranean; first settling into the Aegean peninsula around the 8th century B.C. before migrating to Rome in the 3rd century B.C.  By the 3rd century A.D. Rome was a spent force and the remnants of the empire shifted back to the eastern Mediterranean in Constantinople.

Christianity’s rise followed Rome’s decline through the Mediterranean. The rapid spread of Christianity is somewhat of enigma, as are other philosophies or religions such as Buddhism and Islam, but the prevailing thoughts are that church improved the lives of its followers and promised a way to life every after.

The authors, Drs Winks and Mattern-Parkes, professors of history at Yale and the University of Georgia respectively, have written a short history of the region that engrosses and enlightens without preaching.  If interested in the history of the Mediterranean from the Stone Age to Islam, this is quick read and is eminently readable.

 

Visions of the End

Apocalypse M Apocalypse 2015

Theaters:  NA (TV Movie – 2000)

Streaming:  April, 2004

Rated:  NR

Runtime:  96 minutes

Genre:  Drama – Faith – Religion

els:  3.0/10

IMDB:  6.4/10

Amazon:  4.3/5 stars

Rotten Tomatoes Critics:  NA/10

Rotten Tomatoes Audience:  2.9/5

Metacritic Metascore:  NA/100

Metacritic User Score:  NA/10

Awards:

Directed by:  Raffaele Mertes

Written by:  Francesco Contaldo, Raffaele Mertes, Gianmario Pagano

Music by:  Marco Frisina

Cast:  Richard Harris, Vittoria Belvedere, Benjamin Sadler, Bruce Payne

Film Locations:  NA

Budget:  $ NA Low-Budget, Made for TV

Worldwide Box Office:  $ NA

St. John, John the Apostle, John the Evangelist, John of Patmos, John the Elder (Harris) is held in the Aegean island prison of Patmos as a scribe for his Roman jailers.   God speaks to John and commands him to disseminate, as letters, the visions he sends him. The letters are be sent to the 7 churches of Asia Minor.  The visions include truths and admonishment to the churches and how the beginning of the end of times will transpire.

This is a made for TV movie that exhibits its low-budget pedigree in almost every scene.  But the movie wasn’t made to garner any awards, rather it was made to educate the public about the Book of Revelations, the last book of the Bible. It does accomplish this but the story is out of sequence and the method is clunky and amateurish.

The supporting actors are all bad with the atrocious acting trophy going to the Bruce Payne playing the Roman Emperor Domitian. Moving from bad to worse, the special effects were categorically dreadful.  If there is an award for worst special effects this movie would win. The movie’s effects were on par with what passed as realistic in the 1958 movie: The 7th Voyage of Sinbad the Sailor. Spending a few dollars more on marginally better special effects very likely would have taken this movie from ugh awful to mildly entertaining.

The only true shining light in this movie is Richard Harris, he can’t save the movie, but he is a joy to watch.  The kindly Dumbledore persona comes through in every scene. A natural teacher with a gentle soul.  Interestingly, his full name is Richard St John Harris.

 

Human Nature Yesterday

The Crusades: The Authoritative History of the War for the Holy Land

Written by:  Thomas Asbridge51c32nyzebl-_sx330_bo1204203200_

Published by:  HarperCollins

Copyright:  © 2010

In 1095 AD, during the high middle ages, the Byzantine Emperor Alexius Comnenus of Constantinople asked the Latin Pope Urban II for assistance in recovering parts of Asia Minor lost to the Seljuk Turks. The Pope responded, with less than altruistic motives towards his eastern Christian cousins, by embroiling western Europe and the Levant in 200 years of war which eventually became known as the Crusades.

Thomas Asbridge presents a compelling history of Christian struggles to seize control of the holy land from the Muslims, thus reviving the Islamic concept of jihad, while attempting to answer the questions of how these battles of conquest and religion reverberate through western history into our modern times.  Interesting enough Asbridge suggests that the crusades “belong in  the past” and inferences to todays apparent sequels are “misguided”.

This is a excellent and thoroughly researched march through the 11th and 12th centuries of western Europe and the Levant, bringing alive names of Richard the Lionheart and Saladin and others that Sir Walter Scott so richly romanticized in his historical 19th century novels, Ivanhoe and The Talisman.  The Crusades is a fast paced read with sufficient twists and turns in the narrative that you may suspect that this is a movie screenplay rather than a history.  This is a great read. Well worth your time.